Historians of women’s labour in the United States at first
largely disregarded the story of female service workers – women earning wages
in occupations such as salesclerk, domestic servant, and office secretary.
These historians focused instead on factory work, primarily because it seemed
so different from traditional, unpaid, “women’s work”. In the home, and because
the underlying economic forces of industrialism were presumed to be gender-blind
and hence emancipator in effect. Unfortunately, emancipation has been less
profound than expected, for not even industrial wage labour has escaped
continued sex segregation in the workplace.
To explain this unfinished revolution in the status of
women, historians have recently begun to emphasize the way a prevailing
definition of femininity often determines the kinds of work allocated to women,
even when such allocation is inappropriate to new conditions. For instance,
early textile- mill entrepreneurs, in justifying women’s employment in wage
labour, made much of the assumption that women were by nature skilful at
detailed tasks and patient in carrying out repetitive chores; the mill owners
thus imported into the new industrial order hoary stereotypes associated with the
homemaking activities they presumed to have been the purview of women. Because
women accepted the more unattractive new industrial tasks more readily than did
men, such jobs came to be regarded as female jobs. And employers who assumed those
women’s “real” aspirations were for marriage and family life, declined to pay
women wages commensurate with those of men. Thus many lower- skilled, lower
paid, less secure jobs came to be perceived as “female.”
More remarkable than the original has been the persistence
of such sex segregation in twentieth-century industry. Once an occupation came
to be perceived as “female,” employers showed surprisingly little interest in
changing that perception, even when higher profits beckoned. And despite the
urgent need of the United States during the Second World War to mobilize its
human resources fully, job segregation by sex characterized even the most
important war industries. Moreover, once the war ended, employers quickly
returned to men most of the “male” jobs women had been permitted to master.
4.
According to the passage, job segregation by sex
in the United States was
A.
Greatly diminished by labour mobilization during
the Second World War
B.
Perpetuated by those textile-mill owners who
argued in favour of women’s employment in wage labour
C.
One means by which women achieved greater job
security
D.
Reluctantly challenged by employers except when
the economic advantages were obvious
5.
According to the passage, historians of women’s
labour focused on factory work as a more promising area of research than service- sector work because
factory work.
A.
Involved the payment of higher wages
B.
Required skill in detailed tasks
C.
Was assumed to be less characterized by sex
segregation
D.
Ws more readily accepted by women than by men
6.
It can be inferred from the passage that early
historians of women’s labour in the United States paid little attention to
women’s employment in the service sector of the economy because
A.
The extreme variety of these occupations made it
very difficult to assemble meaningful statistics about them
B.
Fewer women found employment in the service
sector than in factory work
C.
The wages paid to workers in the service sector
were much lower than those paid in the industrial sector.
D.
Employment in the service sector seemed to have
much in common with the unpaid work associated with homemaking
7.
The
passage supports which of the following statements about the early mill owners
mentioned in the second paragraph?
A.
They hoped that by creating relatively
unattractive “female “jobs they would discourage women from losing interest in
marriage and family life.
B.
They sought to increase the size of the
available labour force as a means to keep men’s wages low.
C.
They argued that women were inherently suited to
do well in particular kinds of factory work.
D.
They thought that factory work bettered the
condition of women by emancipating them from dependence on income earned by
men.
Answer:
4.
B the
second paragraph explains that a prevailing definition of femininity often
dictates what jobs are given to women. For example, textile –mill owners used
hoary stereotypes associated with…. Homemaking activities in order to justify
their employment of women, claiming that women were by nature skilful at
detailed tasks and patient in carrying out repetitive chores.
5.
C look
at the first paragraph, which discusses historians of women’s labour. These
historians disregarded service work in favour of factory work not only because
factory work differed from traditional “women’s work, “but also because the
forces of industrialism were presumed to be gender- blind.
6.
D To answer this question, look at what the
first paragraph says about the historians focus work. The historians
disregarded service work and focused instead on factory work in part because it
seemed so different from traditional, unpaid “women’s work” in the home. Since
the two kinds of work are explicitly contrasted, it is reasonable to infer that
what is not true of factory work is true of service work; service work is
similar to traditional, unpaid “women’s work” in the home.
7.
C Look
at the second paragraph to see what it says about the assumptions and actions
of the mill owners. The mill owners accepted and perpetuated the stereotypes of
women, including their greater attention to detail and patience with repetitive
tasks, and thus argued that women were inherently (by nature) suited to the
work in a textile mill.
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